Reviewing Violence By The Dark Figure Of Crime Criminology Essay

Reviewing Violence By The Dark Figure Of Crime Criminology Essay Our society is becoming more and more violent, in recent years dark figure of crime has become a big issue. Today we hear more of criminal, offences often for no particular reason what so ever. We are living in the world of crime. Dark figure of crime affects all towns, cities and countries. Crimes are made every day, but not every crime is reported and recorded that is why the dark figure is in our vocabulary today. In this essay I would like to look into the main reasons why crime goes unreported, what are the most unreported crimes, how its effects our society and what is the best way try to deal with that. The huge amount of crime in our society gets known when it is reported to the police, through public response to victim surveys and studies of offenders who admit committing crime, and when transmitted to other agencies, such as hospital accident wards, battered womens refuge centres and similar ones. Crimes go unreported because nobody realizes that the crime was done of that they done a crime that is so miner that the victim dont care. Other reasons why they  have not been reported are because  the victim knows the criminal and promised not to tell. It was no need to record crimes until late nineteenth century in Britain, because the crimes at this time were very low, the punishment system was different from our days. The law and punishment system changed. The First time crimes were recorded in nineteenth century by British Crime Survey. It is a lot of reasons why crimes goes unreported. Newburn (2009) carried out the main points why people do not report matters to the police including: the victim considers it too trivial; the victims feels the police will not be able to do anything about it; the victim is too scared to report it; the matter is too embarrassing or the victim would prefer to deal with the matter in another way. Rape is the most unreported crime in our society, because the womens are embarrassing or too ashamed to report the matter, feel unsafe and scared and so the vicious cycle continuous. If for example women was raped by her porter she might be frighten to go to the police. Most of the womens feel embarrassing of the questions they have to answer many times in the police station while they give evidence, they are stressed and do not want get the flashbacks because they are asking the full details many times. The big per cent of Teenage girls are especially at risk for date rape. 38% of all rape cas es reported the victims range in ages fourteen to seventeen. This to me is a high percentage for such a small age range. If we look how many children are abused by their parents it is quit shocking, because it is under report. Kids sexually abused by their parents cannot report crime to the police, because they are too young to understand that are frighten and scared of their parents, thinks that police dont believe them or are embarrassed of what happened. Children sexual abused crimes are underreport in our days if we look into statistics we can see that 72 per cent of sexually abused children did not tell anyone about their abused at the time. 27 per cent of children told to somebody later. 31 per cent still had not told anyone their sexual abuse by adults. Slak J (2009) in his article The most violent country in Europe : Britain is also worse than South Africa and U.S. stated Official crime figures shows that in the United Kingdom there are 2,034 offences per 100,000 people, The United States has a violence rate of 466 crime per 100,000 residents and South Africa 1,609. http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article It is a many types of violent crime: domestic violence, mugging, stranger violence, aqvouitance violence. Domestic violence includes many types of abuse from family members and relatives including psychical, psychological, sexual, financial, emotional, cultural based abuses. For example if someone making feel scared or intimidated, from pushing and bullying to more serious injuries and extremes that can cause death, forced marriage or taking away financial independence for example by not allowing to work or monitoring how spend money. Most forms of domestic violence are criminal offences these includes : putting somebody in a fair of violence, harassment, threatening to kill, attempting to choke and most of the people did not know that or know and do not want to report it by thinking police is not going to make no differences or give a support. Crimes of violence, on the other hand, are statistically assessed against the overall number of adults in England and Wales . In this case,people who are illegal immigrants and who do not appear in official registers are not included. The table published by the Home Office also contains a definitional bias. One of the most serious violence crimes is homicide. Data recorded by British Survey shows that police recorded 648 incidents of homicide a 17 per cent decrease on the 748 recorded in 2007/2008 and the lowest recorded number in the last twenty years. The number of murders recorded by the police also decreased by seven per cent from 621 in 2007/08 to 575 in 2008/09. Home office statistics shows that here has not been change in the number of violent crimes between 20 06/ 2007 and 2008/2009. It was 903,993 offences of violence against the person recorded by the police 2008/09 and it is six per cent less than 2006/07 and it is the lowers figure since 2003/04. Other issues stem from how the data is collected. Surveys conducted by household, for instance, dont include the victimization of homeless people (Kershaw et al., 2000). Furthermore, crimes in which offenders and victims are consenting parties (for example drug dealing) are largely unreported (Kershaw et al., 2000; Maguire, 1997). Majority of people who one way or the other was victims of the crimes either domestic violence abuse or other thinks that is the best way keep everything to yourself and it is not going to happened again. But and the end of the day if someone attacks in your own home weather is someone you share house with, your family member or your partner people cannot suffering in the silence. Crime affects the whole person and can impact upon the victims health, quality of life and finances. Many need help to cope with their emotions, but the report argues that specialist services for victims are not enough. If people get enough support from the police and other organizations which are supporting victims of crime in our society crimes will be reported more than it is in nowadays. Victims of crime and their families need effective support and understanding in all spheres of life such as education, housing, employment, healthcare and financial services. All public services must recognise their shared responsibility for helping people to cope with crime.

Ap Language Review Essay

Chapter 1 Review Questions 1. What is invention in rhetoric? Invention in rhetoric is the process of coming up with ideas for speaking or writing. It has three appeals, ethos, logos, and pathos. 2. What is ethos? Ethos is an appeal based on the character of the speaker or writer. 3. What is logos? Logos consists of the content of the argument. It also appeals to the intellect. 4. What is pathos? Pathos appeals to the emotions of the audience. 5. How does ethos, logos, and pathos work together to persuade an audience? All three come together to persuade and audience because they appeal to the heart and the mind. People don’t make decisions with just one or the other, so this creates maximum persuasive effect. These proofs are tools for analyzing and creating effective arguments. 6. What is syllogism? Syllogism is a chain of reasoning moving from general, universal principles to specific instances. 7. What is an enthymeme? An enthymeme is a shortened syllogism. It serves the purpose of a more practical and beneficial way to argue. 8. How do you derive an enthymeme from a syllogism? To derive an enthymeme from a syllogism is to take out the universal principal and create a more practical argument. It’s basically to summarize the syllogism to the key point. 9. Why is an enthymeme more useful than a syllogism in analyzing and  constructing an argument? An enthymeme is more useful than a syllogism in analyzing and constructing arguments because an enthymeme is used in real-world argumentation. Whereas, a syllogism is used primarily in a logic course. Enthymemes, being a shortened version of a syllogism, uses an unstated principal that you can understand without it being said. Later in the argument you can address the unstated principal to support your enthymeme. 10. What is an arrangement, and why is it important in analyzing and constructing arguments? An arrangement is the order of how you present your ideas. It is important in analyzing and constructing arguments because you can’t just speak/write about something without knowing what you’re going to say. The arrangement collects your ideas and lets you put it in order. It allows you to form the best possible argument. 11. What is style? Style is choosing how to express your ideas. Contributes to the writer’s content, message, or emotional appeal. 12. What effect does style have in communicating an argument to an audience? The way the writer communicates is through their style. It appeals to the audiences emotions, it can make the message more artistic and memorable. 1. Invention in rhetoric is the process of coming up with ideas for speaking and writing, kinda like brainstorming. 2. Ethos is one of the three appeals. It is based on the character or credibility of the speaker and or writer. It’s all about making the audience trust and believe in you in a sense. You want them to feel connected to you, that they have your trust and understanding. 3. Logos is another one of the three appeals. This appeal is the content of the written or spoken message. In this appeal it’s all about reducing the problem ethically. Making the problems that they have more understandable and more logical. 4. Pathos is the last of the three appeals. Pathos is the emotional appeal to the audience by the speaker and or writer. Speakers know that people will follow their hearts more than there mind so they try to connect with them on an emotional level. Trying to  speak with passion, and emotion so people can feel the pain and understand. 5. The three proofs work together in a balance to help persuade an audience, because people use their hearts and their minds when making decisions. So when all the appeals are used together in a balance it creates a very effective argument. 6. Syllogism is a chain of reasoning. Moving from general, common principles to specific events. It’s about responding to minor things, then addressing more major premises. 7. An enthymemes is a shortened syllogism. It’s a more practical way to argue. Enthymemes are taking the common known facts out of an argument, but an argument could crumble if the audience doesn’t know or understand the fact you took out of your argument. 8. You make an enthymeme from a syllogism by taking out the universal principle. Like: Fish have gills. A tuna has gills. In conclusion a tuna is a fish. It’s a common thing to know that fish have gills, so you could leave that out of an argument when stating that a tuna is a fish. 9. An enthymeme is more useful and practical in analyzing and constructing an argument because when you analyze an argument you often look for the unstated principle that supports the enthymemes. So when constructing an argument you need to grasp the audience and make sure they have acceptance of the unstated principle. 10. Arrangement is when you know what you are going to say but you need to figure out what order you are going to put it in. It is important in analyzing and arranging arguments because if you compose an amazing argument it needs to have everything in the right arrangement or the audience and will fail to grasp your idea, without the best possible argument. 11. Style is the way you express your ideas. Every writer has a different writing style. Style can change the feel of an argument. Your style can chnage alot, the character, the view point, the content, the memories, and enhance ethos. Think of a writting stlye the way you’d think of a person’s personal fashion stlye. Everyones is different, some similar but never one hundred percent the same. All of them have a different impact. 12. Style has an effect on communicating an argument to an audience that only that one speaker can do. You could have three different speakers with the same argument topic and all three speakers would graspe the audience in different ways. All from the  style that they use.

Nelson Mandela Inauguration Speech Analysis Essay

All inaugural addresses use tools of rhetoric. Nelson Mandela gave an inaugural address. Therefore, Mandela’s inaugural address uses tools of rhetoric. As stated by Campbell and Jamieson, â€Å"inauguration is a right of passage, and therefore creates a need for the newly elected president to make a public address – these addresses have a synthetic core in which certain rhetorical elements †¦ are fused into an indivisible whole† (1990). This paper will discuss the often subtle but effective tools of rhetoric used in inaugural addresses, focusing on former South African President Nelson Mandela’s, in particular. I will argue that the creation of unity is the overriding rhetorical purpose of the inaugural address as a genre, which is synonymous with Burke’s theory of identification To begin with, I will provide some background information on the inaugural address as a rhetorical genre. Following this, I will discuss the positions of the author an d audience (the rhetorical situation), and relate these positions to Aristotle’s concept of ethos and pathos; I will go on to analyze the appeals and tropes exercised by Mandela in his inaugural address; all of these rhetorical elements, I will argue, construct unity and persuade the people of South Africa to take their first steps towards reunification. The inaugural address can be considered a rhetorical genre, as it is a recognizable kind of speech with â€Å"similar forms that share substantive, stylistic, and situational characteristics† (Tarvin, 2008). The inaugural address is ceremonial and traditional in nature, and can be characterized by Aristotelian theorists as epideictic oratory, which is oratory that takes place on special occasions; the author â€Å"celebrates the event for an audience of †¦ fellow citizens by appealing to common values and cultural traditions† (Killingsworth, 2005). The speech symbolizes a change in government, and is the newly elected President’s first official public address. Corbett and Connors have observed that â€Å"inaugural addresses usually deal in broad, undeveloped generalizations. Principles, policies, and promises are enunciated without elaboration† (1999), while Sigelman points out that presidents â€Å"typically use the occasion to commemorate the natio n’s past, to envision its future, and to try to set the tone for [following] years† (1996). Campbell and Jamieson define five key elements that distinguish the inaugural address as a genre. The presidential inaugural: â€Å"unifies the audience by reconstituting its members as the people, who can witness and  ratify the ceremony; rehearses communal values drawn from the past; sets forth the political principles that will govern the new administration; and demonstrates through enactment that the president appreciates the requirements and limitations of executive functions. Finally, each of these ends must be achieved †¦ while urging contemplation not action, focusing on the present while incorporating past and future, and praising the institution of presidency and the values and form of the government of which it is a part (Campbell and Jamieson, 1990). Note that unification of the audience (which is synonymous with Burke’s theory of identification) constitutes the â€Å"most fundamental [element] that demarcate[s] the inaugural address as a rhetorical genre† (Sigelman, 1996), which is the overriding argument of this paper. I would also like to poin t out the three main positions in any piece of rhetoric, as stated by Killingsworth (2005): the position of the author (Mandela, for the purpose of this essay), the position of the audience (immediate and secondary audiences), and the position of value to which the author refers (the unity of whites and blacks). The author’s rhetorical goal is to move the audience towards his position via a shared position of values, which results in the alignment of the three positions (author, audience, and value). Therefore, Mandela’s rhetorical goal is to move his immediate and secondary audience of both supporters and critics towards his position as the newly elected black President of South Africa by the shared goal of unification of all races within the nation. Put another way, Kenneth Burke, in his work â€Å"A Rhetoric of Motives†, describes the basic function of rhetoric as the â€Å"use of words by human agents to form attitudes or induce actions in other human agents† (1969). In order to align attitudes of author, audience, and value, or in order to form attitudes to induce action in other human agents, the first consideration in the construction of the speech must be the audience. Before I discuss audience though, I will talk about the position of Mandela – the author of the inaugural address in question. Corbett and Connors (1999) point out that when doing a rhetorical analysis, one must always consider the special situation that faces the speaker. Nelson Mandela was elected as the first black president in South Africa on May 10th, 1994; this election was particularly significant because it was the first ever multi-racial, democratic election in the country’s history. It also signaled  the end of the apartheid (from the Afrikaans word for â€Å"apartness† or â€Å"separateness†), which was both a slogan and a social and political policy of racial segregations and discrimination, enforced by the White National party from 1948 until Mandela’s election. However, racial segregation has characterized South Africa since white settlers arrived in 1652, before apartheid. Furthermore, Mandela spent 27 years as a political prisoner in South Africa for his role as a freedom fighter and leader of the African National Congress (ANC), and his significant contribution to anti-apartheid activities. All of these factors established some doubts in Mandela, especially in the minds of white South Africans. Mandela â€Å"had to address the very legitimate needs of black South African people while preventing the flight of white South Africans and foreign capital from the nation †¦ [and his inaugural address] needed to [rhetorically] establish the ground from which progress would grow† (Sheckels, 2001). Because of these varying circumstances, the inaugural address might be â€Å"an occasion when a powerful ethical appeal would have to be exerted if the confidence and initiatives of the people were to be aroused† (Corbett and Connors, 1999). However, while these factors established doubts in some, they also contributed to Mandela’s ethos, which is defined by Aristotle as the character or credibility of the rhetor. Aristotle claims â€Å"It is necessary not only to look at the argument, that it may be demonstrative and persuasive but also [for the speaker] to construct a view of himself as a certain kind of person† (Aristotle in Borchers, 2006). As stated in Killingsworth, â€Å"authors demonstrate their character †¦ in every utterance† (2005). A person who possesses â€Å"practical wisdom, virtue, and good will †¦ is necessarily persuasive to the hearers† (Borchers, 2006). Mandela possesses considerable ethos as a result of his personal identity and regional history; his involvement with the ANC, the political party whose aim was to defend the rights and freedoms of African people, and the time he served as a political prisoner demonstrate his dedication to the construction of a democratic nation. One author notes that Mandela serves as a â€Å"representative of the African people at large† (Sheckels, 2001). The public’s knowledge of Mandela’s past allows him to establish ethos, which in turn helps him deliver a rhetorically successful inaugural address, which serves in the construction of unity between all people of South Africa. Additionally, as one author points out, ethos â€Å"may  take several forms – a powerful leader like the President will often have the ethos of credibil ity that comes from authority† (Tuman, 2010). While Mandela uses his past to construct ethos, he also gains ethos as South Africa’s newly elected President. Because it was the first ever democratic election, in which his party won 62% of the votes, Mandela gains authority over past South African Presidents; his call to office represents the wants and needs of all people in South Africa, while his predecessors’ did not. Mandela’s accumulated ethos contributes to the persuasive power of his inaugural address, in which he makes his first official attempt as President to establish unity through speech. Next I will discuss the position of the audience. When constructing a speech, the author must first consider who his specific audience is: â€Å"consideration of audience drives the creation of an effective persuasive message† (Tuman, 2010). When writing his inaugural speech, which is a form of oral rhetoric, Mandela had to consider both an immediate audience, as well as a secondary audience who would watch the speech through the medium of TV and listen to it on the radio. The audience consisted not only of South Africans, but of people across the world interested and inspired by this monumental moment in history. Furthermore, Mandela had to consider both listeners who were his supporters and listeners who were his adversaries. Corbett and Connors claim that â€Å"the larger and more heterogeneous the audience is, the more difficult it is to adjust the discourse to fit the audience. In his content and his style, the President must strike some common denominator – but [one] that does not fall below the dignity that the occasion demands† (Killingsworth, 2005). One such way that Mandela adjusts his discourse to fit his audience is his choice in diction. While he does engage in the use of tropes and rhetorical appeals, he also uses fairly common language throughout. This is especially important in his situation, as many of his black listeners were denied education by the whites, and thus had limited vocabularies. While Mandela wanted to reach out to the educated citizens and international guests, he also had to ensure that his less educated listeners were able to grasp his words and thus be affected by the emotionality of his address and persuaded to unite. When analyzing Mandela’s Inaugural address in consideration of audience, we may also note his opening line: â€Å"Your Majesties, Your Highnesses, Distinguished Guests, Comrades, and Friends.† Here he acknowledges both the  Ã¢â‚¬Å"distinguished international guests,† as well as the people of South Africa: â€Å"Comrades and Friends.† Recognizing members of the international and internal audience is a tradition of inaugural addresses with rhetorical value. Kennedy, for example, followed this tradition when he began his inaugural address: â€Å"Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, Fellow Citizens,† as did Roos evelt when he began: â€Å"Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, My Friends† (Wolfarth, 1961). Additionally, we may note that it is traditional for inaugural addresses to â€Å"abound with unity appeals† (Wolfarth, 1961), which unite the president to the citizens of the country for which he reigns. President Jefferson, for example, addressed â€Å"Friends and Fellow-Citizens† in his opening line; Pierce opened with â€Å"My countrymen;† while Lincoln saluted his â€Å"Fellow-Citizens of the United States† in the first lines of his second inaugural address (Wolfarth, 1961). An address containing official salutations as well as unity appeals causes all audiences to identify with the President. We may also note additional unity appeals throughout Mandela’s inaugural address. There is a pervasive use of personal pronouns, such as â€Å"we,† â€Å"us,† and â€Å"our,† along with â€Å"symbolically potent terms that embody a sense of collectivity† (Sigelman, 1996), such as â€Å"South Africa/Africans† â€Å"homel and,† â€Å"people,† and â€Å"country,† all of which connote community and contribute to the construction of unity. Mandela begins 15 out of 30 sections (as designated in the index) with â€Å"we† or â€Å"our,† and they constitute 59 of the 893 words in the address (6.6%). The repetition of the word â€Å"we† at the beginning of subsequent sentences is a rhetorical trope called ‘anaphora;’ by using this rhetorical technique, Mandela subtly emphasizes the importance of unity As one author explains, the strategic use of personal pronouns is â€Å"one fairly subtle means of transmitting a feeling of unity† (Sigelman, 1996). Appeals to unity follow in Burke’s theory of identification as a means of persuasion or cooperation. By addressing â€Å"Comrades and Friends† and using the words â€Å"we† and â€Å"us† throughout the speech, Mandela is uniting the audience with himself, as well as each other – a â€Å"powerful, yet subtle, type of identification †¦ The word ‘we’ reinforces the idea that all of the [listening] community is united in its efforts to accomplish [certain] goals† (Borchers, 2006). The rhetorician who appeals to an audience to the  point where identific ation takes place has accomplished the purpose of his rhetoric (Burke, 1969). Mandela’s use of personal pronouns and terms that embody collectivity construct unity, which is the overriding purpose of both his inaugural address, as well as his Presidency in general. Mandela’s inaugural address also employs pathos, which is an appeal to the emotions of one’s audience that serves as a persuasive power. Aristotle argued that a speaker must understand the emotions of one’s audience in order to be persuasive (Borchers, 2006); that is, he must understand his audience’s state of mind, against whom their emotions are directed, and for what sorts of reasons people feel the way they do, in order to connect emotionally with them. Mandela’s inauguration was an emotional day for the people of South Africa and the world, because it represented a shift towards democracy, equality, and freedom for all people. One author notes that â€Å"Mandela’s first presidential address before the newly constituted South African Parliament lifted South Africa from the realm of imaginary democracy into a state of actual democratic practice and was a self-referential act of bringing opposing parties together. The [inauguration] speech was the first example of reconstruction and development after apartheid †¦ in words – and words alone – [Mandela’s] speech reconstitute[d] the nation† (Salazar, 2002). We can see Mandela’s use of pathos throughout his inauguration speech. For example, he refers to the past as an â€Å"extraordinary human disaster† (3); he enlists his fellow South Africans to â€Å"produce an actual South African reality that will reinforce humanity’s belief in justice, strengthen its confidence in the nobility of the human soul and sustain all our hopes for a glorious life for all† (4); he discusses â€Å"the depth of the pain we all carried in our hearts as we saw our country tear itself apart in a terrible conflict †¦ saw it spurned, outlawed and isolated by the peoples of the world† (9); and he refers to his win as â€Å"a common victory for justice, for peace, for human dignity† (11) and his o pponents as â€Å"blood-thirsty forces which still refuse to see the light† (14). Mandela then makes an emotional pledge: â€Å"we pledge ourselves to liberate all our people from the continuing bondage of poverty, deprivation, suffering, gender, and other discrimination †¦ we shall build a society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts† (16-18). He then dedicates â€Å"this day to all the heroes and heroines †¦ who sacrificed  Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ and surrendered their lives so that we could be free† (20). The rhetorical use of pathos is thick throughout Mandela’s inaugural address. Mandela’s appeals to unity also contribute to the pathos of the speech by inspiring the listeners to join together as one, rather than opposing entities. Mandela concludes with a promise: â€Å"never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression †¦ and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world./ Let freedom reign† (28-29). It is also important to note Mandela’s use of what rhetorical scholars have called ‘ideographs,’ which are defined as â€Å"high-level abstraction[s] that encapsulate or summarize the definitive principles or ideals of a political culture† (Parry-Giles & Hogan, 2010). I would like to add that the use of ideographs employs Aristotle’s concept of pathos, as the words are often emotionally laden. Examples of ideographs used in Mandela’s inaugural address include: â€Å"liberty† (2); â€Å"nobility† (4); â€Å"justice† (4, 11, 26); â€Å"peace† (11, 26); â€Å"human dignity† (11, 18); â€Å"freedom† (17, 21, 29); and â€Å"hope† (1, 18). Freedom is the most significant ideograph in the speech, as Mandela was a ‘freedom-fighter’ and was ‘freed’ from prison in 1990, which was a major step towards ‘freedom’ for all South Africans. Ideographs, claim rhetorical scholars, â€Å"have the potential to unify diverse audiences around vaguely shared sets of meaning† (Parry-Giles & Hogan, 2010). Yet again we are presented with appeals to unity in Mandela’s inaugural address. As discussed, Mandela’s speech provides evidence that he understands his audience’s state of mind (a mixture of apprehension and optimism), against whom their emotions are directed (Mandela himself, as well as the apartheid), and for what sorts of reasons people feel the way they do (change, fear, history, etc.). Thus, he was able to connect emotionally with his audience, which is Aristotle’s understanding of Pathos. I will continue my analysis of Mandela’s speech with consideration of appeals he makes to place and race. Killingsworth points out that â€Å"appeals to race †¦ often work together with appeals to place† (2005). In Mandela’s inauguration speech he says: â€Å"Each one of us is as intimately attached to the soil of this beautiful country as are the famous jacaranda trees of Pretoria and the mimosa trees of the bushveld. /Each time one of us touches the soil of this land, we feel a sense of personal renewal. The national mood changes as the seasons change. /We are moved by a sense of joy and exhilaration when   grass turns green and the flowers bloom. /That spiritual and physical oneness we all share with this common homeland †¦.† (6-9). This claim on the land can be thought of as an identification of race with place, or in terms of Ke nneth Burke’s dramatism, a ratio between agent and scene, who and where (Killingsworth, 2005). When white settlers arrived in South Africa in the 1600s, they began displacing indigenous black inhabitants from their homeland, pushing them onto â€Å"less desirable terrain where water was comparatively scarce, grazing poor and agricultural conditions harsh† (Horrell, 1973). Apartheid made the separation of blacks with their homeland even more acute with the implementation of designated group areas, in which blacks were relocated to slums and townships, separate from whites. Hook, in Killingsworth, claims that â€Å"collective black self-recovery can only take place when we begin to renew our relationship to the earth, when we remember the way of our ancestors† (2005). Mandela’s appeals to race and place in his inaugural address advocate collective self-recovery, and, as a byproduct, unity. Burke notes that â€Å"rhetors who feature the scene see the world as relatively permanent †¦ [and] rhetors who features the agent see people as rational and capable of making choices† (Borchers, 153). By featuring both scene and agent, it is evident that Mandela sees the physical geography of South Africa as unchanging, and also sees that the people who inhabit South Africa have the power to choose to unite on that shared territory. Unity is the underlying theme of Mandela’s inaugural address as well as his presidency: the unity of white and black people; the dissolution of apartheid and its associated segregation; the reunification of native South Africans with their homeland; and the unification of South Africa with the rest of the free democratic world. â€Å"When [Mandela] took up the reins of power in 1994, the world was holding its breath, expecting the racial tensions splitting the country to explode into a blood bath. Instead, the world witnessed a miracle. Mandela’s achievement is colossal† (Davis, 1997). Mandela’s inaugural address served as an instrument of reunification and produced an atmosphere of stability from which the new system of government could go forward. Index Your Majesties, Your Highnesses, Distinguished Guests, Comrades and Friends: Today, all of us do, by our presence here, and by our celebrations in other parts of our country and the world, confer glory and hope to newborn liberty. Out of the experience of an extraordinary human disaster that lasted too long, must be born a society of which all humanity will be proud. Our daily deeds as ordinary South Africans must produce an actual South African reality that will reinforce humanity’s belief in justice, strengthen its confidence in the nobility of the human soul and sustain all our hopes for a glorious life for all. All this we owe both to ourselves and to the peoples of the world who are so well represented here today. To my compatriots, I have no hesitation in saying that each one of us is as intimately attached to the soil of this beautiful country as are the famous jacaranda trees of Pretoria and the mimosa trees of the bushveld. Each time one of us touches the soil of this land, we feel a sense of personal renewal. The national mood changes as the seasons change. We are moved by a sense of joy and exhilaration when the grass turns green and the flowers bloom. That spiritual and physical oneness we all share with this common homeland explains the depth of the pain we all carried in our hearts as we saw our country tear itself apart in a terrible conflict, and as we saw it spurned, outlawed and isolated by the peoples of the world, precisely because it has become the universal base of the pernicious ideology and practice of racism and racial oppression. We, the people of South Africa, feel fulfilled that humanity has taken us back into its bosom, that we, who were outlaws not so long ago, have today been given the rare privilege to be host to the nations of the world on our own soil. We thank all our distinguished international guests for having come to take possession with the people of our country of what is, after all, a common victory for justice, for peace, for human dignity. We trust that you will continue to stand by us as we tackle the challenges of building peace, prosperity, non-sexism, non-racialism and democracy. We deeply appreciate the role that the masses of our people and their political mass democratic, religious, women, youth, business, traditional and other leaders have played to bring about this conclusion. Not least among them is my Second Deputy President, the Honorable F.W. de Klerk. We would also like to pay tribute to our security forces, in all their ranks, for the distinguished role they have played in securing our first democratic elections and the transition   democracy, from blood-thirsty forces which still refuse to see the light. The time for the healing of the wounds has   The moment to bridge the chasms that divide us has   The time to build is upon us. We have, at last, achieved our political emancipation. We pledge ourselves to liberate all our people from the continuing bondage of poverty, deprivation, suffering, gender and other discrimination. We succeeded to take our last steps to freedom in conditions of relative peace. We commit ourselves to the construction of a complete, just and lasting peace. We have triumphed in the effort to implant hope in the breasts of the millions of our people. We enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity–a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world. As a token of its commitment to the renewal of our country, the new Interim Government of National Unity will, as a matter of urgency, address the issue of amnesty for various categories of our people who are currently serving terms of imprisonment. We dedicate this day to all the heroes and heroines in this country and the rest of the world who sacrificed in many ways and surrendered their lives so that we could be free. Their dreams have become reality. Freedom is their reward. We are both humbled and elevated by the honor and privilege that you, the people of South Africa, have bestowed on us, as the first President of a united, democratic, non-racial and non-sexist South Africa, to lead our country out of the valley of darkness. We understand it still that there is no easy road to freedom. We know it well that none of us acting alone can achieve success. We must therefore act together as a united people, for national reconciliation, for nation building, for the birth of a new world. Let there be justice for all. Let there be peace for all. Let there be work, bread, water and salt for all. Let each know that for each the body, the mind and the soul have been freed to fulfill themselves. Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world. Let freedom reign. The sun shall never set on so glorious a human achievement! God bless Africa! Thank you. Works Cited Borchers, T. (2006). Rhetorical theory: An introduction. Waveland Press Inc.: Illinois Burke, K. 1969. A Rhetoric of Motives. Berkeley: University of California Press. Burke, K. (1966). Language as symbo1ic action: Essays on life, literature, and method. Berkeley: University of California Press. Campbell, K.K. & Jamieson, K.H. (1990). Deeds done in words: Presidential rhetoric and the genres of governance. The University of Chicago Press: Chicago. Corbett, E.P.J. & Connors, R.J. (1999) Classical rhetoric for the modern student. Oxford University Press: New York. Davis, G. (1997, July 18). No ordinary magic. Electronic Mail & Guardian [On-line]. Available: http://www.mg.co.za/mg/news/97jul2/18JUL-mandels.html . Horrel, M. (1973). The African homelands of South Africa. USA: University of Michigan. Ali-Dinar, A.B. (1994). Inaugural speech, Pretoria [Mandela]. University of Pennsylvania: African studies center. Retrieved from http://www.africa.upenn.edu/Articles_Gen/Inaugural_Speech_1798 4.html Killingsworth, M.J. (2005). Appeals in modern rhetoric: An ordinary-language approach. Southern Illinois University Press. Parry-Giles, S.J. & Hogan, J.M. (2010). The handbook of rhetoric and public address. United Kingdome: Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Salazar, P.J. (2002). An African Athens: Rhetoric and the shaping of democracy. London: Lawrence Erlbaum. Sheckels, T.F. (2001). The rhetoric of Nelson Mandela: A qualified success. Howard Journal of Communications, Vol 12-2. Sigelman, L. (Jan-Mar 1996). Presidential inaugurals: The modernization of a genre. Political Communication. Vol 13-1. South Africa’s political parties. SouthAfrica.info. Retrieved from http://www.southafrica.info/about/democracy/polparties.htm Tarvin, D. (2008). Vincent Fox’s inaugural address: A comparative analysis between the generic characteristics of the United States and Mexico. Retrieved from http://lsu.academia.edu/DavidTarvin/Papers/687161/Vicente_Foxs_Inaugural_Addr ess_A_Comparative_Analysis_Between_the_Generic_Characteristics_of_the_United_States_and_Mexico Tuman, J.S. (2010). Communicating terror: The rhetorical dimensions of terrorism. San Francisco: Sage Publications. Wolfarth, D.L. (April 1961). John F. Kennedy in the tradition of inaugural speeches. Quarterly journal of speech, Vol. 47-2. Additional Works Referenced Foss, S.K. (2004). Rhetorical criticism: Exploration & practice. Illinois: Waveland Press, Inc. Hart, R.P. & Daughton, S. (2005). Modern rhetorical criticism: Third edition. USA: Pearson Education, Inc. Kuypers, J.A. (2005). The art of rhetorical criticism. USA: Pearson Education Inc. Lacy, M.G. & Ono, K.A. (2011). Critical rhetorics of race. New York: New York University Press

The Cambodian Genocide And The Khmer Rouge - 1951 Words

The Cambodian genocide happened between 1975 and 1979 in the country of Cambodia. Almost 2 million Cambodians, Chinese, Vietnamese, Buddhist, Cham, intellectuals, anyone with above a 7th grade education, and western influenced-people were systematically killed during the genocide. Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge started the genocide on April 17th, 1975 when they evacuated the city of Phnom Penh along with other major cities and forced people into the countryside where their work camps were. Even though Pol Pot and the Khmer rouge failed to create a â€Å"Pure Kampuchean Society†, their actions devastated all of Cambodia. Millions of Cambodians were displaced from their homes and lost their belongings. The trauma of the work camps caused PTSD in millions of people, which have been passed down to generations who did not experience the genocide. Various diseases and famine have also affected many Cambodians after the genocide. Despite this, many Cambodians were willing to share their gruesome past. For example, Loung Ung, Cambodian genocide survivor, wrote the memoir First They Killed My Father. Her memoir describes her struggles as a five year old girl leaving behind everything she considered as home. Through her experiences, she communicates to her audience an important theme: that people are willing to do anything for family. One way that the author expresses the theme is through imagery. The use of imagery explains in detail how people are willing to do anything in their power toShow MoreRelatedThe Khmer Rouge And The Cambodian Genocide1155 Words   |  5 Pages and lost his life to the Cambodian Genocide, an unfortunate event that caused the death of around one and a half million people (Leslie 6). In Cambodia, a population of around seven million dropped down to around five million from the genocide as well as the accompanying famine, rebellion, and war. 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